Thursday, December 1, 2011

What Obama said when he was a senator…

Remember this quote from Senator Barack Obama?

“The fact that we are here today to debate raising America's debt limit is a sign of leadership failure. It is a sign that the US Government cannot pay its own bills. It is a sign that we now depend on ongoing financial assistance from foreign countries to finance our Government's reckless fiscal policies. Increasing America 's debt weakens us domestically and internationally. Leadership means that, "the buck stops here.' Instead, Washington is shifting the burden of bad choices today onto the backs of our children and grandchildren. America has a debt problem and a failure of leadership. Americans deserve better.” ~ Senator Barack H. Obama, March 2006

If he was insincere then, what do you think he is now?!? Remember that quote in the coming election.

Monday, November 28, 2011

My Letter to the RonPaul2012 Campaign

Recently I received in the mail the “Executive Summary” of “Ron Paul’s ‘Plan to Restore America”—a report in which the candidate states his plan to

  1. Slash spending by $1 trillion in his first year as president by eliminating five cabinet-level departments (i.e., Energy, HUD, Commerce, Interior and Education) and several other major reforms
  2. Dramatically overhaul entitlements
  3. Cut government waste
  4. Reduce taxes
  5. Slash away at over-regulation
  6. Audit the Federal Reserve System

Mind you, I think all of these are worthwhile goals and probably should be undertaken. However, I think Paul has little chance of selling his ideas to the American public as they are stated in his campaign document.

Here is what I wrote to the campaign:


28 November 2011

 

Congressman Ron Paul
Ron Paul 2012 PCC
P.O. Box 2012
Lake Jackson, TX 77566

Re: Ron Paul’s “Plan to Restore America”

The Honorable Ron Paul:

I have no illusions about this letter actually being read by Ron Paul—at least in its first reading. However, I would urge whoever is giving it its first reading not to toss it aside lightly. I am confident that you will find it worthwhile to read through what I have to say and to not take it too lightly.

A day or two ago I received your campaign’s mailing of the Executive Summary – Ron Paul’s “Plan to Restore America”. I do not know if a full version (not an executive summary) exists. However, I am 100 percent confident that—expressed as it is in the document before me—the plan will be rejected by the vast majority of voters and will lead to the downfall of Ron Paul’s campaign efforts.

Nevertheless, I believe the plan has merits. The problem is that I do not believe the American people will accept the actions necessary to turning “fish soup” back into an “aquarium” in giant leaps or without some accommodations. We must realize—as I am certain Congressman Paul does—that market interventions by the government result in making some people or groups “winners,” while placing others at a disadvantage. Necessary, but draconian, measures to unwind big government will, as a result, create entirely new sets of “winners” and “losers.”

In order to make these changes palatable to enough of the citizenry to maintain generalized political support for these changes, some temporary accommodations during the transition from the “old order” to the “new order” will almost certainly be necessary. These accommodations—or some suggested accommodations—must certainly be included in “the plan” articulated for the voters.

For example, let us suppose that a thorough examination of the likely effects of dismantling the U.S. Department of Education will cause the disemployment of some 8,000 workers—about 4,000 department employees and another 4,000 contractors or those in state departments of education whose positions will likely be terminated as a result of the federal closure.

Simply throwing these folks out on the street will be distasteful to them, to their families, to the unions, and (probably) to millions of good-hearted voters all across the U.S. These employees and contractors, who were once made “winners” by the economic intervention of the U.S. Department of Education, will now suddenly become “losers” as the result of the department’s closing.

However, if a temporary accommodation were to be made for them, then many of those who would likely raise raucous opposition to the department’s closing would be silenced by the apparent “fairness” with which the matter is being handled.

One way of accomplishing this might be to set up a prorated severance pay arrangement somewhat along these lines:

Years of Employment

Months of Continuing Pay

More than 20 years

36

More than 10 but less than 20

24

More than 8 but less than 10

18

More than 5 but less than 8

12

More than 3 but less than 5

8

More than 1 but less than 3

6

Less than 1 year

0.5 * Months

Such an action does the following:

  1. Recognizes that changes in government does, in fact, create new “winners” and “losers”
  2. Helps make those closely attached to the situation more supportive of the change
  3. Provides ammunition to stop the mouths of some who might otherwise oppose the action and use “compassion” as the argument
  4. Begins reducing the burden on the taxpayer from day-one following the closure

Of course, with every such dramatic change in the government, the full gamut of potentially new “winners” and “losers” needs to be understood as fully as possible and temporary accommodations for these changes need to be created in such a way as to silence as much potential opposition as possible. This would be true for changes to entitlements, corporate welfare and protections, and more.

With regard to the Department of Energy, for example, a careful examination of the offsetting effects of reduced regulation versus existing subsidies should be undertaken to determine who will be the new “winners” and who will be the new “losers” when the department is closed. Then, some temporary offsetting accommodations should be made to the investors, owners, contractors, subcontractors, workers and suppliers to the industries affected.

The same should be true for all major changes as big government is unwound. If this is not done and, more importantly, if such concepts are not clearly articulated in your “plan,” then I fear that the general public cannot and will not accept the dramatic changes to the status quo that you propose.

Please feel free to call me if you would care to discuss this matter more fully. I am available at xxx-xxx-xxxx and would be happy to speak with you.

Very truly yours,


Let me know what you think about how we can go about turning “fish soup” back into an aquarium. Thanks.

Friday, June 17, 2011

Where is America headed?

It’s our own fault. It’s not like we weren’t warned.

Of course, most of the people who warned us are dead—having died long ago.

In his own way, Plato warned us. He said that there are really only two important questions that will determine the course of a republic:

  1. Who teaches the children?
  2. What do they teach them?

Well, the greater part of a century ago—about two-and-a-half generations past—most Americans decided that the easiest way to educate succeeding generations was to turn them over to state-run schools with teachers trained in state-run colleges. And now—just now—we’re waking up to the fact that most of the citizens—products of a state-run education system—believe with all their heart and mind that the answer to almost every problem we face is (none other than) “the state.”

Who taught children? The state taught them.

What did they teach them? They taught them that “the state” is the solution; that collectivism—not individualism—is a better way; and that we are the problem and bigger government holds all the answers.

So, where is America headed?

Due to our own lack of vigilance for liberty—while we were busy “making a living” and enjoying what we made—those in whose minds it was to create a “new society” and a “new world order” have been diligently working day-in and day-out to take our republic and our posterity from us. I’m not talking “conspiracy theory” here; and this is not intended to hyperbolic rhetoric. There was no need for a conspiracy. All it took was for we, the people, to first be frightened into surrendering liberty in favor of “security” (falsely so-called) from Big Government. This was rooted in actions taken during the Civil War (another topic altogether), but blossomed into full fruition during the years of “The Great Depression.” The war years (i.e., WWI and WWII) also contributed to the willingness of us Americans to surrender more and more liberty in order to obtain more and more a sense of safety from all that could harm us.

Next came the years of prosperity and plenty. The generation that survived the lean years of the Depression sought to assure that their own children would lack nothing—plenty of food, plenty of clothes, plenty of everything. And, the generation that followed that one had even more bread and circuses.

Meanwhile, a relatively small number of ideologues were being influenced by radical new concepts introduced almost simultaneously on three different fronts. In the world of science, Albert Einstein set forth the concept of relativity in his famous “Special Theory.” By the early 1920s, for the first time, it was becoming increasingly popular to hold the idea that there really were no absolutes. What began as relativity in time and space emerged in the minds of many as relativity in the realms of good and evil, moral and immoral.

The transmutation of relativity from the world of science into other realms of human thought was augmented by the teachings of Sigmund Freud. Freudianism seemed to grow and expand until it was held by many in an almost religious sense. Freud’s body of work brought legitimacy to extrapolating from the relativity of the hard sciences (a la Einstein) to the relativity of moral values.

The third power that emerged was the philosophy of Karl Marx and Marxism, teaching that what one sees in the world of work is not the reality. That beneath the veneer of visible economic relationships was an “inner” and “concealed” essential pattern. These three—Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud and Albert Einstein—all brought the same message to willing listeners: What you see is not what you get. Everything is relative and what appear to be absolutes are not absolute at all.

These concepts tended to undermine the American traditions of personal responsibility and duty toward a reasonably settled moral code. Nevertheless, these very concepts were taught in colleges and universities. More importantly, they were taught in colleges and universities to those who were going to be the teachers and administrators who would run public school systems where children of succeeding generations would be taught.

So, where are we headed?

If we do nothing—or do something, but do it too weakly, with lack of intent, or failing in vigor—we are headed for the predictable collapse of all democracies (for we have already surrendered most of our republic).

We must be careful of our path, however.

Those on the left, with their penchant for collectivism, have long sought enforcement of uniformity from the national government and the federal courts. They want everyone everywhere to be subject to the moral relativism to which they blindly fly. This, of course, is never what the Founding Fathers intended.

Those on the right have too frequently make the same error. Of course, they were often provoked to staking their moral claims in Congress and in the federal courts in reaction to what was being promulgated by the Left. Nevertheless, such actions are wrong, for the Founding Fathers planned for a national government that permitted and supported diversity within the unity of the nation.

In the mind of the Founding Fathers, the national government was to remain neutral in matters of a personal and moral nature. Even criminal law was to be determined by states and localities, and enforcement against criminal or immoral behaviors was to be left to states, counties and cities. The federal government was to have no interest in such matters.

Such a brilliant concept allowed for one state, county or locality to hold one set of standards for moral conduct (say, on prostitution or homosexual “marriage”) while another state, county or city might have an entirely different set of standards and laws. The nation could remain whole and unified while those who preferred one lifestyle over another could choose in which states or localities they would live based on the criminal and moral code in effect in each place.

Because the steps that brought us to where we are today are our failings—all of us citizens and voters—the path back must be to retrace our steps. We—all of us who are of such a mind—must contribute to the cause of re-educating our children, our friends, our relatives and our co-workers. We must undo the mis-education step-by-step, one person at a time. There is no magic wand to wave. There is only the hard work of finding the proper “compass” and retracing our steps back to a healthy republic and a healthy economy.

That is, if we can do it. If we can beat back the leviathan we have created.

That remains to be seen.

Tuesday, March 1, 2011

Stop blaming CEOs! It’s the way we invest that’s killing us.

Day by day, the leading corporations of the United States are growing more and more disconnected from the U.S. economy. Their interests are less and less attached to those of our workers and our consumers. Worse: they are becoming indifferent to our own nation’s economic future.

A decade ago, only 32 percent of income for firms listed in Standard & Poor’s index of the 500 largest publicly-traded U.S. firms came from sources outside the United States. However, by 2008 that figure had grown to nearly half—48 percent.

A 2008 survey conducted by Duke University’s Fuqua School of Business in conjunction with the Conference Board uncovered the fact that 53 percent of the 1,600 companies surveyed had an “offshoring strategy”—compared to only 22 percent three years earlier. The survey drew the conclusion that “very few” of the companies had any “plan to relocate activities back to the United States.”

Many of the companies that have tried—usually driven by unions—to maintain a significant production presence in the U.S. (such as the automobile industry) have been “hollowed-out” by year-on-year losses. Many of these losses can be traced to bad decisions for profit-taking in earlier years or unwise concessions to unions that management must have known could not be sustained in the long run.

What’s driving this trend?


Of course, we all know the answer to this question: It’s “profits,” stupid!

But there is more than that. The whole of the blame cannot be laid on the shoulders of the CEOs and the corporate boards.

Here’s why:

 

A little history on investment


Prior to the year 1924, most people who invested in a corporation did so for one of two reasons:
  1. Because they—or their advisor—believed the firm had opportunity for making profits. Not necessarily profits in the coming quarter, but in the long term.
  2. Because they had a sincere “investment” in the firm itself. They had a heartfelt interest in what the firm produced or did for people or the economy as a whole.
So, what happened in 1924?

The first modern mutual fund was created in 1924 in Boston, Massachusetts. This began a dramatic shift in the way investors were connected—or, rather, disconnected—from the firms in which they made investments.

Mutual funds removed any sense of heart-felt investment in the long-term good of the firms in which the monetary investments reside. In fact, it removed the investor by one full step from his or her investments. Mutual funds are a dispassionate “yield” instrument only.

 

Paper entrepreneurs


Here’s how the picture has changed. In the pre-mutual fund days, most investors had a relatively direct connection with their investments and the companies in which they were invested.

Investor –> Corporation

In those days, larger investors took a personal interest in their investments and not infrequently attended stockholder meetings. They, more often than not, had a longer view of their investments and were looking out for the long-term profitability of the businesses in which they invested their funds.

However, as open-ended mutual funds grew from 19 in 1929 to more than 100 by 1954, Wall Street investment bankers began to see that the middle class could become a great source for new capital investment (and profits for the investment bankers, of course).

By the end of the 1960s, there were about 270 mutual funds supplying $48 billion in capital. The introduction of bank “money market” funds in the late 1970s boost growth even more. Then the real explosion came when Congress introduced tax-favored treatment for such investments through IRAs, 401(k)s and other defined-contribution plans.

Today, while a great number of middle class Americans are invested in the stock market, the vast, vast majority of them would be unable to name any single corporation in which they hold investments. They are entirely disconnected and interested in one and only one factor: the yield on their investments.

Today the picture looks like this:

Investor –> Fund Manager –> Mutual Fund –> Corporation

As I said, the investor has one and only one interest in his investment: yield—especially short-term yield. (Since this is the “McDonald’s generation,” everything is expected to happen fast or impatience sets in.) Between the investor and his money sits the fund manager. The fund manager also has only one interest: the short-term yield on the fund. His or her interest is driven by a couple of concerns:
  • Short-term yield will attract new assets to the fund, likely contributing to the fund manager’s bonus
  • Short-term yield will keep assets from leaving the fund, also contributing to higher bonuses in all likelihood
  • Short-term yield will increase the earnings of the fund, which is also likely a metric by which the fund manager is measured and compensated
I think you get the picture. The fund manager will measure every investment in corporations by short-term returns on investment (ROI) and the likelihood of future short-term returns. This is why I inserted the “mutual fund” as an entity between the fund manager and the corporation in which the fund is invested. It is likely that the fund manager views the fund as a entity in and of itself and its individual corporate investments as only vehicles for yield on the fund. He has no real interest—beyond short-term yield estimates—in any of the corporations in which the fund is invested.

 

The tail wags the dog


Formerly, CEOs at corporations were wise enough to not sacrifice a firm’s future for short-term profits. They were careful not to consume the company’s long-term future in pursuit of profits in the coming quarter.

But that was back in the days when the investors were invested in the firm with both their money and their hearts (and, sometimes, their souls). That was back in the days when an investor might show up in the CEOs office or at a board meeting and upbraid management for not taking a longer view toward the success of the firm.

Those days are gone for almost all publicly-held companies.

Mutual fund managers can make or break a company today by moving hundreds of millions of dollars from one company to another based solely on the prospect of short-term returns on investment. The fund managers care not one iota about the long-term success of the firms, and the investors in the mutual funds care even less.

So, what do CEOs do?

CEOs of publicly-held corporations seek only one thing: short-term profits. Boards of directors hire and compensate CEOs for this one objective because they know the dramatic loss of market capital that might be incurred if major fund managers decide to disinvest in their firms.

 

Local interests cannot play a part


It is America’s investment strategy that has driven this. It is because American investors are disconnected from their investments that CEOs are driven to this end.

It is America’s investment methods that have driven CEOs to lose interest in the American economy. The investors do not care whether the profits that bring yields to their 401(k) or IRA come from off-shoring or from selling products in South America or on the African continent.

Unlike prior American recessions—including the so-called “Great Depression—this recession is the first in American history from which corporate profits can rebound without rehiring of large numbers of American workers.

 

Politicians blame the “greedy” capitalists and the capitalist system


The politicians ought to look at their own policies. It is the preferential tax treatment given by Congress to instruments like IRAs and similar investment vehicles that have made the mutual fund market explode. Politicians ought to consider revamping every market intervention that makes “paper entrepreneurs”—instead of old-fashioned “investors”—a primary source for capital in the markets.

Actually, corporations that are not publicly-held are more likely to have a local and regional interest in our American economy and the American worker.

In the past, downwardly-mobile American consumers would have created problems for U.S. corporations. Today, since more and more profits come to these corporations from markets in other nations, this is far less a concern to them. And, it should be noted, that the U.S. market emerging from the present recession is very much downwardly mobile. (I, personally, have taken a 29 percent pay-cut in the last two years.)

 

The German model


U.S. politicians could learn a lot by looking at the German model for business financing. In Germany, city-owned savings banks provide funds to enable enterprises, especially family-owned (read: passionately invested) mid-sized businesses, to grow and prosper. The same locally-based financing gives these businesses what they need to grow and become involved in exporting their products. Nearly two out of three of Germany’s small-to-mid-sized businesses get their funding from these local banks.

The funding links and limits these enterprises to doing business in the local markets, thus building both their local economies and the larger economy of Germany as a nation.
Sadly, no similar localism can be found in America’s investment model. Our brand of capitalism and dispassionate investment drives our corporations to move more and more of their part of economic growth and hiring away from the U.S.

The answer is not more regulation of corporations. The answer is a radical restructuring of our investment and financing model for corporations.

Friday, January 14, 2011

It is in your power (a call to keep up the good fight)

Men and women of America, it is in your power, by building upon the victory of November last (2010) with a spirited improvement of the present circumstances, to turn this small victory to real and lasting advantage for the preservation and restoration of liberty and the American republic.

Those who despise and oppose genuine liberty are now more exposed and weaker than before. They find that they must increasingly hide their words and conceal their evil intent to subdue the liberty of men under the guise of some "greater good"—though falsely so-called.

Our all is at stake.

Take heart and continue the endeavors of these recent years so that this fight might be continued and the liberty envisioned by our Founding Fathers might once more flourish in these United States of America.

God bless the USA!

Wednesday, March 3, 2010

Minnesota AFL-CIO leader named Communist Party National Committee Member of the Month

Mark Froemke, President of the Western Minnesota AFL-CIO working together with Shar Knutson. Froemke and Knutson combine to make the Minnesota AFL-CIO a winning team. Together they have won accolades for their work on behalf of Barack Obama's wonderful health care reform package: H.R. 3962 which working people are thrilled about.

Check it out here -- from the source!



Tuesday, March 2, 2010

Al Franken "a pillar of support" for the Communist Party, USA

Here's a quote from the "Official Site of the National Board of the Communist Party, USA":

CPUSA National Committee Member Mark Froemke works with Al Franken.

"The Democratic Party has been a real bonanza for our recruiting. We bring people from the Democratic Party into the Communist Party. Comrade Al Franken has been a pillar of support."

Mark Froemke
National Committee Member, CPUSA and candidate for National Board.

Don't believe me!  Read it here!
Official Site of the National Board of the Communist Party, USA